Plan B: 'October/November
Surprise'
By Robert Parry
October 27, 2004
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in the sunnier days of September, George W. Bush’s political
team was hoping that his lead would grow, as John Kerry was
bedeviled by Swift boat ads questioning his Vietnam heroism
and by taunting chants of “flip-flop.” But Bush’s clunky
debate performances and weakening poll numbers mean it’s
time for Plan B.
Bush’s Plan B looks to be a kind of
"October/November Surprise," a coordinated strategy to suppress the vote
in battleground states like Ohio and especially in Democratic
strongholds. The heart of the plan will be to swarm the polls with
Republican activists who will use challenges against individual voters
to tie up the process, lengthen voting lines and cause time-strapped
voters to give up and go home.
To some political historians, the scheme has the
offensive smell of Jim Crow tactics used during the days of the
segregationist South to keep African-Americans from voting. But the
strategy has a more recent precedent, the disruption of recounts in
Florida in November 2000 as Bush was clinging to a tiny lead.
To make sure that the recounts didn’t change that
result, the Bush campaign flew in Republican activists from Washington
to stage noisy disruptions. One demonstration in Miami became known as
"the Brooks Brothers riot," for the preppie clothes the rioters wore.
With Republican demonstrators roughing up Democrats and storming the
doors of the Dade County canvassing board on Nov. 22, 2000, the vote
counters hastily abandoned their recount plans, effectively throwing out
10,750 uncounted ballots.
After their storm-trooper-style victory, the
rioters celebrated at the Hyatt Regency Pier 66 in Fort Lauderdale, Fla.
Crooner Wayne Newton sang “Danke Schoen,” German for “thank you very
much.” Another highlight of the evening was a thank-you conference call
from George W. Bush and Dick Cheney, who joked about the successful
riot, according to the Wall Street Journal. [Nov. 27, 2000]
The tab for renting the hotel – $35,501.52 – was
paid by the Bush-Cheney recount committee. [For details, see
Consortiumnews.com’s “Bush's
Conspiracy to Riot.”]
'October Surprises'
In preceding decades, there also has been a rich
history of Republican “October Surprise” operations that have undercut
the Democrats.
In 1968, for instance, historical records show that
Richard Nixon condoned back-channel contacts with South Vietnamese
leaders, promising them a better deal if they boycotted Paris peace
talks called by President Lyndon Johnson. As South Vietnamese
negotiators stayed away and Johnson's peace talks floundered in the days
before the 1968 election, Nixon narrowly beat Vice President Hubert
Humphrey.
Though Johnson was livid when he learned of Nixon’s
subterfuge, the Democrats kept quiet to avoid further dividing the
country, according to former Johnson administration officials. The
Vietnam War dragged on another four years as tens of thousands of more
U.S. soldiers died as did hundreds of thousands of Vietnamese. [For an
account of the 1968 case, see Robert Parry’s
Secrecy & Privilege: Rise of the Bush Dynasty from Watergate to Iraq.]
Nixon’s success in 1968 may have contributed to his
decision to undercut the Democrats again in 1972, when his political
operatives waged a clandestine campaign to drive the strongest Democrats
out of the race and to spy on the party’s strategies. Nixon overreached,
however, when a team of his burglars was caught planting bugs at the
Democratic National Committee headquarters in the Watergate building.
Despite Nixon's ouster over the Watergate scandal
-- the one time the GOP paid any serious price for a dirty trick -- the
Republicans were back at it in 1980. This time, the Republicans were
concerned that President Jimmy Carter might pull off his own “October
Surprise” by managing to free 52 American hostages in Iran right before
the election.
The evidence is now overwhelming that this fear led
to a Republican operation – which included then-vice presidential
candidate George H.W. Bush – to establish clandestine contacts with
Iran's Islamic leaders. Those contacts, in turn, appear to have
culminated in a secret deal for the American hostages to be released
only after Carter lost to Ronald Reagan. [For details on this 1980
“October Surprise” case, including new incriminating evidence, see
Secrecy & Privilege.]
In 1992, in a tough fight for reelection, the elder
George Bush couldn't resist the temptation to try another “October
Surprise.” Trailing Bill Clinton in the polls, Bush ranted to his staff
about the need to find information that would discredit Clinton. Under
this White House pressure, State Department officials pawed through
Clinton’s passport file, looking for a rumored letter in which Clinton
supposedly sought to renounce his citizenship.
Though no such letter turned up, assistant
Secretary of State Elizabeth Tamposi drafted a baseless criminal
referral, suggesting that a Clinton associate might have tampered with
the file to remove damaging material. The criminal referral to the FBI
was then leaked to the news media, enabling Bush to raise doubts about
Clinton’s loyalty.
Some Bush supporters went so far as to suggest that
Clinton had been recruited by the Soviet KGB while a Rhodes scholar
traveling in Eastern Europe over Christmastime 1969. But the Bush
administration's passport gambit backfired, sparking an embarrassing
campaign scandal that became known as Passportgate. [For details, see
Consortiumnews.com’s “Bushes
Play the Traitor Card.”]
Common Thread
The common thread through all these "October
Surprise" cases is the determination of the Republicans to grab or hold
onto power even if they must break the rules to do so. "First win and
then worry about the consequences," their motto seems to be.
The Republicans also have found that the Democrats
are hesitant to call them to account for campaign abuses that do come to
light. The Democrats are either afraid of sore-loser charges or they
believe that disclosure of the dirty tricks would undermine the American
people’s faith in the democratic process.
A key difference in the 2004 case, however, is that
George W. Bush’s campaign is being forced to reveal its plans before the
election. As Kerry pulls even or ahead in some polls, the Bush campaign
is finding itself with little choice other than to conduct this year’s
"October/November Surprise" out in the open.
Already, Republicans have challenged the
eligibility of 35,000 voters in closely contested Ohio. The Republicans
also are planning to send activists into 8,000 Ohio polling places
to challenge newly registered voters. [Washington Post, Oct. 26, 2004]
The prospect is for these Election Day challenges
to gum up the balloting, stopping not just questionable voters but also
lengthening lines and extending wait times so many voters will grow
discouraged and head home. Similar aggressive strategies to whittle down
the Democratic vote have surfaced in Florida, another top battleground
state.
Yet while these hardball tactics may succeed in
depressing the Democratic vote, they also run the risk of reminding
voters across the country about Bush’s tainted victory in 2000. And
unlike the Florida recount battle in November-December 2000, American
voters can do something about what the Republicans are planning for this
election: the voters can go to the polls on Nov. 2 and make the
Republicans pay a price for what looks like voter suppression.
Indeed, maybe the only way to stop the GOP's
historic pattern of “October Surprise” gambits is for American voters to
demonstrate, once and for all, that messing with the people’s right to
vote won't be tolerated.
Robert Parry, who broke many of the Iran-Contra
stories in the 1980s for the Associated Press and Newsweek, has written
a new book, Secrecy & Privilege: Rise of the Bush Dynasty from
Watergate to Iraq. It can be ordered at
secrecyandprivilege.com. It's also available at
Amazon.com.
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